Jewish Feminism: “Witnessing a New Phase in the Continuing Process by Which Judaism Adapts Itself to Modernity”
Julia Van Soelen
Writer's comment:
For Diane Wolf’s course, Sociology of the Jewish Experience, I chose to
research the relationship between feminism and Judaism. While Judaism
is a patriarchal religion, many Jewish women are feminists. I was
motivated by the insightful statements of the Jewish women I
interviewed since their views closely paralleled the writings of the
Jewish feminist authors I read. Moreover, the women I interviewed had a
freshness and authenticity that brought greater relevance to my paper
and opened it to a broader audience. I also enjoyed discovering that,
contrary to the common assumptions made about Orthodox Judaism, in many
ways even this most traditional movement is not only challenged but
also changed by feminists working from within. As a result, I came to
realize that not all feminists work in the same ways and that feminist
values are manifested in all kinds of environments.
—Julia Van Soelen
Instructor's comment:
Julia took my Sociology course on Jewish American Identities and
Communities and wrote wonderful weekly critiques on the readings. This
is always an intense seminar in which students get very involved,
sometimes very personally. It is a challenge to keep the discussion at
an academic and analytical level since some participants want to get
very personal and emotional. Julia did not speak a great deal in class
discussion but when she did, it was valuable and other students
listened. Her paper focused on the question of women’s equality in
Judaism and in contemporary Jewish practice. Not content to simply read
books on the matter, Julia interviewed female rabbis. The result is a
superbly written and very sociological paper in which she demonstrates
that although women have equality in the Reform and Conservative
movements in Judaism in theory, it does not necessarily work out that
way in practice. I found the paper to be very impressive and I think
that Julia is a true sociologist.
—Diane L. Wolf, Sociology Department
When
I was nine years old, I wanted to be a rabbi. I was attending a
Conservative synagogue, and I went with another girl (a classmate in
Hebrew school) to talk to the rabbi about it. This was in 1971, and
there were NO women rabbis at that time. He told us that we couldn’t be
rabbis because we were girls, but we could marry rabbis, and I was
incensed and devastated! —Karen Erlichman (Personal communication, Feb.
2004)
Coincidently, one year after Erlichman’s dream was spoiled, the
Reform movement ordained its first female rabbi. While Erlichman’s
experience in the early 1970s shows how much the feminist movement
changed the practice of Conservative, Reform, and Reconstructionist
Judaism, issues still remain that the feminist movement, as a whole,
have failed to resolve. Specifically, while the feminist movement
succeeded in bringing women into the rabbinate, it became distracted by
this success, assuming that this victory in the religious sector
equated to victory throughout the American Jewish community.
Unfortunately, women’s equality in Judaism has proven to be more
complicated. While some view the ordaining of female rabbis as the
ultimate success, others realize that the larger Jewish community’s
practices and politics relative to gender equality have not changed.
The rise of Jewish feminism combined modernism and traditionalism
and represented women’s desire for deeper observance rather than a
rejection of the religion. Women wanted to participate in the religion
as fully as men, they wanted to be held accountable for all of the
mitzvot (good deeds), and they wanted to have a closer relationship
with God and with the religious texts. Feminist Jews did not want to
turn away from their religion; rather, they demanded full equality in
both Jewish law and worship (Freedman 116).
Largely in response to the secular feminist movement of the
1960s, the Jewish feminist movement began with the formation of the
Jewish Feminist Organization and its demand for “nothing else than the
full, direct, and equal participation of women at all levels of Jewish
life” (Umansky xi). Then, in 1972, the Reform movement ordained the
first female rabbi, Sally Priesand, in response to feminist demands.
Also in 1972, the Conservative Law Committee voted to count women in a
minyan (the quorum of 10 necessary for public worship—traditionally 10
adult Jewish males), and it also reiterated its previous decision to
grant women aliyot (the ritual of being called to bless the Torah).
Then, in 1974, the Reconstructionist movement ordained Sandy Eisenberg
Sasso, and in 1985 the Conservative movement ordained Amy Eilberg
(Elyse Goldstein, The Women’s Torah Commentary 25-28). Therefore, by
the mid-1980s, Jewish feminism had apparently won its major battles in
each of the non-Orthodox religious movements. According to Rabbi
Eilberg,
The decision to ordain women, the ultimate symbol of
women’s equality, sends out important messages to the community. For
women, it means that it is now possible to reconcile one’s identity as
Jew and modern woman. . . . [T]his decision communicates to the Jewish
community at large that one may maintain both intellectual integrity
and connection to one’s ancestral community, both allegiance to modern
modes of thought and loyalty to traditional religion. In short, we are
witnessing a new phase in the continuing process by which Judaism
adapts itself to modernity. (16–17)
While Jewish women have achieved success with the ordination of
female rabbis, gender inequality continues to exist throughout Jewish
life. In the religious world, synagogues’ executive boards are most
often dominated by men, and the same is frequently the case with the
secular Jewish organizations such as charities. While many see Jewish
feminism as having made both significant and sufficient change by the
late 1990s, Samuel Freedman, in Jew vs. Jew, writes that the Feminist
Revolution had yet to create true equality for Jewish women. Freedman
explains that by the late 1990s, of the 300 female rabbis in Reform
Judaism, only three led congregations with more than 1,000 families. In
addition, of the 1,400 Conservative rabbis in America, fewer than 100
were women and only 30 headed synagogues (Freedman 122–123). Patriarchy
also exists beyond statistics; Rabbi Rachel Cohen (a pseudonym by
request) explains that while overall she has been welcomed by both men
and women in the Jewish Community, she has experienced the continued
presence of patriarchy within Judaism: “I found that some male
colleagues were threatened and tried to undermine me professionally. .
. . [I have experienced patriarchy], but usually more from the liberal
branches than the traditional side. I have found that, in general, the
baby boomer men cling most to the patriarchal image of Judaism.” In
addition, female rabbis consistently make less money than their male
counterparts and often have difficulty finding rabbinical positions
once they are ordained. Therefore, while the admittance of women into
the rabbinate has been achieved, women must continue to struggle for
full equality in the religious institutions of the Jewish community.
A clear discrepancy exists between the appearance of equality
through women’s ordination and the reality within the non-Orthodox
movements and within the secular arena of the Jewish community. For
example, at the 1993 General Assembly of the Council of Jewish
Federations, a gathering of approximately 3,000 representatives from
all major Jewish organizations and communities in North America, no
major policy address was given by a woman (Lipstadt 291). A recent
report by the United Jewish Communities and the Advancing Women
Professionals and the Jewish Community echoes the point that little has
changed in recent years. The study, carried out in 2003, sought to
understand why women have not reached top executive positions in the
largest twenty Jewish communities in North America (Pomerance). The
report is clearly an attempt to resolve the remaining inequality within
Jewish organizations; yet, that such a report was necessary shows that
Jewish organizations still have a long way to go before achieving full
equality for women. Cohen explains that time may be the crucial factor
for the full integration of women into leadership positions in the
Jewish community: “Slowly the institutions are catching up, but some of
that is simply because of [the passage of time]. For certain positions
you need to be out in the field for a certain amount of years before
you qualify for them. In another 10 years there will be more of a
critical mass of women who ‘qualify’ for leadership positions.” In
other words, while presently women do occupy high positions in the
Jewish community, there is not a critical mass of these women to truly
make their presence felt and counteract remaining institutional
patriarchy.
Generally speaking, Jewish feminists fall into one of the
following catagories: (1) they reject Judaism because of its history of
patriarchy and view the religion as both creating and maintaining
patriarchy within the Jewish community and larger society; (2) they
wish to see a revolutionary new form of Judaism that is female-centered
with new prayers and rituals created for women, religious texts altered
to embrace the feminine in God, and liturgy that includes the Jewish
matriarchs; or (3) they work within the confines of Orthodoxy and
Jewish law, but they use the Jewish legacy of interpretation of
religious texts to justify some break from tradition.
Lesli Sacks, former President of Coastside Jewish Community which
is located in the San Francisco Bay Area, provided an example of the
first model: “In the 60s and 70s, when I was declaring myself a
‘radical feminist’, I also declared myself not affiliated with Judaism.
I felt that Judaism, along with other organized religions, was male
dominated, and the texts and liturgy were of no interest to me as a
feminist or to any women. In fact, I felt them to be very sexist.”
Julie Batz, Cantorial Soloist for the Coastside Jewish Community,
recounted an experience similar to that of Sacks: “In my late teens, I
found my feminism and my Judaism to be in conflict, and I left Jewish
life for many years. I became involved in earth-based, women-centered
spirituality. Looking back, I can see that these experiences—claiming
my own spiritual life and creating rituals that were meaningful to
me—were profoundly important in my future development as a spiritual
leader.” Batz now embraces Judaism, perhaps because of the more recent
inclusion of a female presence in the religion: “I create and lead both
traditional and new rituals for individual women and communities of
women,” and she has also co-founded an organization called The
Ritualist that documents and disseminates independent Jewish life-cycle
rituals or those held outside of a synagogue setting. Batz provides an
excellent example of a Jewish feminist who uses new female-centered
rituals to create a deeper connection to Judaism.
Rhoda Bernstein, who serves on the national board for the Jewish
organization Hadassah (the largest volunteer organization and the
largest women’s organization in America) explains that her own
experience within the Conservative synagogue she attends has always
provided her with equal opportunity to participate and that she has
never separated herself from her Jewish framework: “I sincerely believe
that Judaism makes a strong case for women and the power of the female
voice. While this is sometimes not articulated in more Orthodox
circles, and certainly not in Israel, in my community and in my life I
feel my feminist side has adequate outlets through the religion.”
Bernstein goes on to explain that both in the religious and secular
spheres of the Jewish communities she is involved with, she has felt
“that my voice is a respected one, not looked upon by gender, but more
as a voice of knowledge and extreme commitment and dedication.”
Similarly, Karen Erlichman, a Jewish feminist and a Marriage, Family,
Child Counselor at Jewish Family Child Services in San Francisco,
states that her “values and beliefs as a feminist [are] completely in
harmony with being Jewish.” Specifically, she cites her commitment to
tikkun olam, or the obligation to heal the world, the importance of
community building as a tool for social change, and the relationship
between Jewish oral history and the feminist practice of “speak-outs.”
Erlichman also says that her feminist framework guided her toward
Judaism and that she experiences feminism and Judaism as “completely
integrated.”
Since the practice of Judaism is subject to social construction,
Jewish feminists realize that reforming God-language is one of the many
necessary steps toward creating a wholly equal future for Jewish women.
Feminists argue that “until a more inclusive, less male-focused
vocabulary becomes part of society’s everyday experience, gender equity
[will] be impossible; for Jewish feminists, language has been a major
focus for reform as they struggle to include female imagery in exchange
for the previous sexist and male-dominated language in Jewish liturgy”
(Silberstein Swartz and Wolfe 188). Jewish tradition has long viewed
God as a combination of masculine and feminine. The Hebrew word for the
female presence in God is Shekinah, or “she who dwells within”
(Gottlieb 6). Despite the concept of the feminine in God, frequent use
of masculine God-language occurs in Jewish liturgy. Male God-imagery is
expressed in the text through both male characteristics and male
pronouns. For example, God is referred to as “Lord,” “King,” “Father,”
or “He.” Therefore, gender-neutral images of God and even a female
presence often appear within the liturgy, however they are overpowered
by the dominant image of a masculine God. Specifically, “attributes and
actions that are themselves gender-neutral are read through the filter
of male language, so that the God who performs these actions is still
imagined in male terms” (Elyse Goldstein, From Memory to Transformation
190). In addition, while God-language reflects the tradition of
patriarchy within Judaism, it also continues to act on the present, and
it creates future images of God in a male-oriented manner.
While reforming the language used within Jewish texts may be
necessary for individual Jewish women’s spirituality and the
large-scale success of women’s equality within Judaism, many feminist
women have individually worked beyond male centered language to realize
their own spiritually. Sacks explained that, although religious texts
were written by men in the masculine gender, she has gone beyond this
superficial problem:
That [the texts use the masculine gender] has become
irrelevant to me. In the Hebrew, it is the feeling of the words, of the
language, and of the mystical quality of the language with which I
resonate. I prefer to pray in the original text, rather than the
progressive rearrangement of the language to turn the ‘he’s’ into
‘she’s.’
Erlichman also expresses a similar view: “My experience of God
transcends any human notions of gender; I feel God is both and neither
male and female, and that the presence of the Divine incorporates all
of those attributes we associate with gender.”
. . . I had to look beyond the superficial things that were
keeping me from the deeper spiritual meaning of Torah; if being a
feminist means being the best and strongest woman I can be, with no
barriers and glass ceilings holding me back, then I must also not let
words and surface impressions keep me from getting what I need to grow
and deepen my soul and my life.
Judith S. Antonelli, author of In the Image of God: A Feminist
Commentary on the Torah, explains that her basic thesis is that the
Torah is not the cause of misogyny, sexism, or male supremacy and that
we, in the modern world, “must look at the Torah in the context on
which it was given—the pagan world of the ancient Near East. By doing
so, it becomes very clear that, far from oppressing women, the Torah
actually improved the status of women as it existed in the surrounding
societies. If this was the Torah’s mandate in ancient times, how much
more so should it continue to be in modern times!” (xxi). Aviva Cantor,
in Jewish Women, Jewish Men, also explains that the Torah must be read
with an understanding of historical context. She writes that the Jewish
God had to be male given the need for a rescuer God, and “given female
powerlessness in a patriarchal society . . . Jews sought to compensate
for their powerlessness by envisioning an all-powerful God onto whom
they projected the male role under patriarchy that men most admired:
that of wielding power to protect, defend, and rescue the community”
(35). While much debate surrounds the language used in Jewish liturgy,
it may also be important to retain some aspect of male imagery to be
true to the history of patriarchy within the religion. However,
conflict and dialogue should continue since it is innately Jewish to
interpret, broaden and deepen one’s understanding and embrace a version
of Judaism that is both true to tradition and applicable to the
present. It is precisely this balance that most feminists struggle to
achieve when deviating from tradition.
In The Women’s Torah Commentary: New Insights from Women Rabbis
on the 54 Weekly Torah Portions, Rabbi Eilberg explains that since
women have achieved equality within the more liberal movements of
Judaism,
We are free to explore our special nature as women. No
longer afraid that our womanhood will be used against us, we can
rediscover some of women’s particular gifts, and rejoice in them. Most
importantly, we can begin to show our communities how valuable our
contributions can be, if only we allow ourselves to function as women,
if we do not force ourselves to imitate stereotypically male styles and
standards in the quest for legitimacy. (18)
This perspective implies two typical models for female rabbis:
one model being a woman rabbi who wishes simply to be a rabbi, “just
like any man”; the second model is of a woman rabbi who wishes to bring
her feminine aspects into the religion. Despite the way that female
rabbis may wish to be perceived, the Jewish community continues to
focus on women in the rabbinate. According to Rabbi Elyse Goldstein in
The Women’s Torah Commentary: New Insights from Women Rabbis on the 54
Weekly Torah Portions,
whether or not we are actually different from our male
counterparts, I believe that most of the women in the rabbinate today
would agree that we are perceived differently. Put simply, people
experience female rabbis differently than they experience male ones.
And they experience Judaism, the gender issues of the prayer book, and
the whole question of the male imagery of God differently with a woman
rabbi. (31)
During the early feminist movement, most of the struggle for
equality in Judaism occurred within the Conservative movement because
the Conservative movement looked to the Orthodox movement for its
validation and it did not lightly stray from tradition, while the
Reform movement similarly looked to the Conservative movement for its
validation and pressured the Conservative movement to meet modern
demands. Therefore, “the Conservative movement, as the center of the
Jewish religious spectrum, provided the arena for the clash of
modernism and heritage” (Freedman 120), while the Reform movement
apparently embraced the feminist cause and the Orthodox movement
largely rejected or ignored it.
While the Orthodox movement in unlikely to accept the ordination
of women into the rabbinate, it has addressed some of the demands of
its own women. Although not always recognized, Orthodox Judaism does
have a growing number of feminists. Specifically, the International
Conference on Feminism and Orthodoxy in New York, which began in 1997
with more than 1,200 attendees, continues to attract large numbers of
participants each year (Laurie Goldstein, 1998).
In 1998, a modern Orthodox synagogue in New York, Lincoln Square
Synagogue, hired a woman as a “congregational intern,” a
pseudo-rabbinic position created specifically for women by the
congregation’s rabbi, to offer services such as counseling and classes
to the congregation. Soon after the first intern position was
announced, another modern Orthodox synagogue also hired a woman as
intern. These two women were the first Orthodox women in the nation to
hold such jobs. Surprisingly, the women received the same salaries as
the male interns of the same congregations. Despite this revolutionary
move toward gender equality within Orthodoxy, both the synagogues that
hired the women insisted that the women were not being trained to
become rabbis, leaving the Orthodox community, as well as the Jewish
community as a whole, wondering what these women were interning to
become. (Laurie Goldstein, “Unusual”). Goldstein writes, “No Orthodox
synagogue has ever said it would accept a woman in the pulpit, and no
Orthodox seminary has said it would recognize the women’s ordination”
(“Ordained”). However, the barriers to women’s ordination are largely
in Orthodox culture, and not within Halacha, or Jewish law (Laurie
Goldstein, “Ordained”).
Within Orthodox Judaism are growing numbers of women’s prayer
groups, called Tefilla, women lawyers in religious courts, women
officers on synagogue boards and young women studying in yeshivot
(live-in schools of higher education) in Israel (Laurie Goldstein,
“Unusual”). It is also becoming more common for girls to have
baby-naming ceremonies and bat-mitzvahs (Grossman ¦ 3). Although full
inclusion of women is beginning to take place in modern Orthodox
synagogues, it remains largely non-existent for ultra-Orthodox groups.
For many Orthodox Jewish women, the Jewish feminist movement is
as much about maintaining Orthodoxy as it is about feminism. According
to Grossman, “To be a Jewish feminist is to struggle against a
patriarchal system with no imposed limits. But to be an orthodox Jewish
feminist is to struggle against that same system yet at the same time
adhere to an ideology based on a belief in the divinity of both oral
and written Torah—a body of teachings and laws not open to compromise
but, significantly, always open to scholarly interpretation” (¦ 8). As
Blu Greenberg, a women deeply involved with the Orthodox feminist
movement adds, “The orthodox woman is not looking to put herself
outside her community. . . . She wants to integrate new values into the
rich texture of her orthodox way of life. It is not a battle with
orthodoxy but a contribution to it” (quoted in Grossman ¦ 9). While
Halacha states that women cannot be witnesses, there is no halachist
dictum that states that women cannot be ordained as rabbis. Rather,
women studying to become rabbis are simply doing something that
orthodox women traditionally have not done (Grossman ¦ 13). In a
similar explanation of Halacha, Deborah E. Lipstadt explains that the
barriers to women’s ordination are traditional and not halachic. She
writes that there are more halachic barriers to women being counted in
minyans (because women are not required to pray in Orthodox Judaism)
and to women serving as witnesses. However, rabbis are essentially
teachers and there is nothing that rabbis must do that a woman is
prohibited from doing under religious law (Lipstadt 294).
Many Jewish feminists want to be able to have it all. While this
once meant—to the secular feminist—a right to have both a family and a
career, for the Jewish feminist it means adding spirituality to the
picture. Therefore, Jewish feminists are integrating their desire for
spiritual fulfillment with the struggle for equality (Grossman ¦ 19).
The demands of Jewish feminists, while often shocking to the more
traditional Jewish community, are leading the way in the evolution of
Judaism in its search for relevance in a modern context. It is
precisely Judaism’s long tradition of interpretation and commentary on
the religious texts and the fact that it is a religion that encourages
questions that feminists have been able to search for their own
answers, to seek new insights, and to bring the texts and the religious
institution to a place of contemporary relevance. While the Jewish
feminist movement is sometimes met with hostility, most Jewish
feminists realize that they are acting in a uniquely Jewish way, as can
be seen in Batz’s explanation for her activism: “Like many members of
the women’s community who were Jewish, I was inspired to become an
activist because of my groundings in Jewish values. To me, being a Jew
meant fighting for the underdog, for equality, [for] protecting
minority rights and personal freedoms.”
Works Cited
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Cantor, Aviva. Jewish Women, Jewish Men. San Francisco: Harper, 1995.
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