MING THE PHYSIOGNOMIST: A DAY IN THE LIFE OF A FACE-READER FROM THE SONG
Julia Cohen
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Writer’s comment:
After having read a book detailing the Song period for History 9A
(History of East Asian Civilization), students were instructed to visit
a Qing scroll, which illustrated aspects of everyday Chinese life
during that period. We were encouraged to scrutinize the painting and
choose a figure from the scroll to elaborate on and historicize. This
was how Ming the Physiognomist was born. A man in a long robe, carrying
an umbrella and a sign in Chinese especially intrigued me. I inquired
and found that the sign meant “I read faces.” I then began
investigating both typical daily life of a Hangzhou resident in the
late Song, and the practices, beliefs and social roles of Chinese
physiognomists. Though an obscure, small, and rather undocumented group
in Chinese history, I found that physiognomists specifically, and
fortune-tellers more generally, occupied a particularly interesting
role as “middle-men,” in multiple senses, within Chinese history.
- Julia Cohen
Instructor’s comment:
Julia Cohen’s paper was written for an introductory class on Chinese
civilization (History 9A: History of East Asian Civilization). The
assignment asked students to invent themselves as a character in an
early 12th-century Chinese handscroll. Cohen viewed two versions of
this handscroll: an 18th-century copy (held in facsimile in Shield’s
Library’s Special Collections and placed on special display for the
class), and a CD Rom version that was shown in class and later made
available in Hart Hall’s audio-visual labs. In the scroll, Cohen
spotted a tiny sign marking the spot where a fortune-teller plied his
trade. She researched the meaning of the sign—and the rest, so to
speak, is history: the history she has brilliantly recreated in the
paper that follows.
- Susan Mann, History Department
CONTENTS
Letter from Chinese Scholar Terrence Brighton to a Professor Sallor Concerning a “Discovered Document.”
Autobiographical Work of Ming the Physiognomist with Translation and Commentary by Terrence Brighton.
Bibliography of Biographical and Referenced Works.
Booklet with Sign and Illustrations.
Explanation of Booklet Contents.
March 13, 1993
Dear Professor Sallor,
I am submitting to you my translation of an amazing text I
found while traveling in China two years back, along with the original
booklet which accompanied it. This encounter was not more than a matter
of chance: While I was in a small consignment shop in Kaifeng, I
mentioned my interest in Chinese history and the shopkeeper pointed me
to this text. It was in poor shape and was extremely expensive. Yet, I
thumbed through the pages and was increasingly impressed by a seemingly
very authentic story. I left, however; still unable to believe the
documents were not forged. All that night I thought about them, went
over my books, and decided I could quite possibly have come upon
something incredible. I went back to the store the next day and bought
them.
My own initial reaction considered, I will not be surprised if
your reaction is also one of incredulity when I tell you that this text
was written during the late Song period. Nevertheless, I implore you to
understand that I have spent the last two years examining, translating,
and verifying the details of the texts. I have even recently received
results from a specialist who dates the paper back to about 1200, which
corresponds perfectly with my calculations. It is for this reason that
I ask you to use extreme caution with the original booklet drawings and
sign, which are all quite fragile. When I found them they were already
partially laminated, rather haphazardly. I have left them as is
because, at least, this way they are protected. I have made few
alterations on these originals, except for temporary numbers by each
picture to make my subsequent descriptions easier to follow.
The text itself is an autobiographical one, written by a
fortune-teller living in Hangzhou by the name of Ming the
Physiognomist. He describes one of the last days of his life, and the
reader is brought into the world of what he does and thinks during
these last moments. Most likely this text was written at the conclusion
of the Feast of Lanterns, as Ming looked back on what he had done that
day, though it is written in the present tense. Regardless of the
questions which may arise concerning the authenticity of this text, the
depiction given of a Song Physiognomist is amazingly true to the
picture that Chinese historians paint of this time and practice both. I
have translated it as accurately as possible. I have also added notes
at the bottom of each page, with details of the story which coincide
with various authors’ works on the subject. For definitions or
clarifications of terms I have used asterisks instead of the normal
numerical footnote.
Since my discovery of this text I have been doing extensive
research into Chinese fortune-telling, and have found Richard Smith’s
book Fortune Tellers and Philosophersto be particularly
informative. Many of the specific references I have made to
fortune-telling practices have come from his book, and are therefore
often extrapolations, since his work is predominantly based in Qing
mantic practices. However, Smith himself notes the fact that
physiognomy was born as a study in China in the late Zhou era (22).
Yet, there are relatively few elucidating texts on physiognomy in its
earlier stages, including during the Song. It is also for this reason
that I am so excited to have found what looks like a verifiable source
of information in this field. There are many reasons to believe that
the Qing practices in physiognomy were closely related to those of the
Song. Ming’s descriptions of his work confirm this point.
I would appreciate any comments and pieces of advice you have
for me after reading what I am submitting. I plan to publish this work
along with my own commentaries on its historicity, elaborating upon my
notes in this version. Yet, I am also very interested in exploring this
character, Ming, as a representative of the fortune-teller’s role
within China during Imperial times. Richard Smith speaks of
fortune-tellers as often occupying the role of “middlemen,” quite
literally, as mediators between different people in social or public
gatherings (269). I would like to explore this idea in all of its
ramifications, both literally and metaphorically.
I have noted that Chinese fortune-tellers often play the role
of the metaphorical mediator between conflicting values or patterns
within Chinese society. Smith describes one of the areas in which
fortune-tellers serve to bridge a cultural gap in the following manner:
“Divination, as a ‘pseudo-science’, attempts to bridge the gap between
‘hard’ science . . . and religion’” (283) within China.
This is only one of the ways in which fortune-tellers
represented a blend between different aspects of Chinese culture. As I
elaborate somewhat in my notes within the text, the fortune-tellers
often transmitted values and morals of Confucian culture by combining
their forecasting with moral-based advice. Also, Ming, for instance,
did his best business during the government-sponsored festivals. In
these ways Ming and other fortune-tellers perpetuated the traditional
and conventional Confucianism. Yet, many were also either practicing
Buddhists, Daoists, or at least were influenced by one or both of these
faiths. In my notes I explain the special relationship of
physiognomists with Buddhism.
There is yet another way in which fortune-tellers merged two
different “poles” within Chinese culture, but in this case they seem to
embody the tension itself possibly more than the bridge. This is the
case of social ranking, of “high culture” and popular “superstition,”
known in Chinese as mixin. Fortune-tellers were often viewed as dealing
in little more than mixin (xi), especially by scholars. Yet, many were
probably literate, and all had an advanced understanding of their
subject.
Interestingly, however, people of all classes often demanded
their skills. In Marco Polo’s description of the Hangzhou court during
the mid-twelfth century, he mentions the astrological services that the
King required (Gernet 149). This is just one of an innumerable supply
of examples which indicate that soothsayers were often employed at the
courts themselves. Geomancers were a regular presence at court. Yet
other types of soothsayers were employed as well. One example is that
of Sun the Fishmonger, an eccentric diviner whom Ming claimed was his
teacher. Fortune-tellers of all sorts were often employed by the upper
classes. Birth charts were needed before deciding upon a marriage, and
physiognomies were often examined. Smith describes that, though it
always retained a “certain heterodox potential . . . [fortune telling]
remained an integral part of the most important state and domestic
rituals, from official sacrifices to life cycle ceremonies” (Smith
265). As was the case for Ming, a fortune-teller’s crowds were made up
of people of all classes. The fortune-tellers themselves also probably
had a varying status in society, depending upon whether they worked
predominantly in the court and on private house calls, or in public
along with the merchants. In Ming’s case, this tension can be seen as
well. Though of a lower-class, he managed to wear a robe, an indication
of wealth. Though he worked on the street, he was literate and probably
felt himself above many of the merchants and his other peers.
There is also the age-old tension between hierarchy and
meritocracy as it manifests itself in the beliefs and practices of the
Chinese fortune-tellers. While fortune-tellers would seem to inherently
have based their beliefs on an ideology of pre-destination, in reality,
it was not that simple. On the one hand, they spoke of what was already
written in the stars, the land, or one’s face. On the other hand,
instead of simply accepting everything as set-in-stone, they also gave
advice and counsel, giving the impression that they actually viewed
fate as somewhat malleable.
One tension, that of gender, is less noticeably developed in
Ming’s text but nevertheless seems worthy of mention. While the
majority of soothsayers were men, women seemed to constitute a
significant portion of their clientele (Smith 268). In a strange sense,
therefore, fortune-telling simultaneously came to be associated with
both men and women, but in distinct senses. In Ming’s case, however, he
does not mention a female clientele because he is working in public, a
much more restricted space for women. It is likely that he had female
clients at other times, when making house calls, for example.
All of this said, I hope you enjoy the text as much as I have.
Sincerely,
Terrence Brighton
Ming the Physiognomist: A Day in the Life of a Face-Reader from the Song
translated and elaborated by Terrence Brighton
— I awake to the last sounding of the watch*. Soon after, I hear
the bells of the Buddhist and Daoist monasteries ringing and then the
cries of the hermit-monks who descend from the surrounding hills to
announce the dawn. Today is a special day, however, and though the
hermit-monks beat on their iron strips in the same way they always
have, I can sense the difference: Today is the last of the three days
of the Feast of Lanterns. They announce the weather as is their custom:
“It is cloudy” (1). This may mean rain. I take note of this and decide
to bring my umbrella, and prepare to read physiognomies today with few
props which could get soiled from the rain.
Though it is only the second hour,** I can hear the whispers
of the people preparing themselves for this day, the noise of carts
passing over the cobblestone roads, and an occasional scent streaming
in through the window of the food already being prepared below. Today I
will allow myself the best of the breakfast delicacies, I decide, and I
begin to review and consider my options. On the Imperial Way, I will
buy fried mutton or goose, or possibly fried tripe. (2) These are
delicacies I do no allow myself every day but this day is an occasion
to splurge. Everyone, in fact, splurges during this festival. In my
hundred and one years I have lived through enough Lantern Feasts to
hold this to be unquestionably true. In fact, I have so much faith in
this fact that I know today that I will make the money to pay for
twenty servings of goose should I will it, if not more. In addition, my
particular profession fares well during this festival, which celebrates
the coming of a new season. It is a time of new beginnings and people
are eager to hear what is in store for them. No less important is the
fact that, as I have mentioned already, this is also a time when
everyone, even the most miserly of men, becomes extravagant. Yet today
I have an additional reason for intending to participate fully in the
rituals of the Feast of Lanterns: My own reading has told me that I
will die at age one hundred and one. This is, therefore, the last Feast
of Lanterns I will celebrate, at least in this life (3).
Therefore, as I climb down the three flights from my house
to the street (4), I decide to bypass the store directly below my house
and wait until I arrive on the Imperial Way. I notice everything with
the eyes of one who knows this city incredibly well, yet, also with
those of a foreigner and outsider . The latter perspective arises
perhaps for a number of reasons. Firstly, with the knowledge that this
will be my last festival, I feel myself to be an observer more than
ever. Nevertheless, as a physiognomy-reader, it is true that in some
senses I never cease to hold the role of observer. Additionally, after
becoming a widower and losing my three daughters to marriage, I have
achieved that perspective all the more readily. (Except for times of
war, one cannot say that it is lucky to bear only daughters.) Yet, I
also feel this way, perhaps, because in my old age, despite my numerous
years here in Hangzhou, I have come to remember my native Kaifeng and
cannot help but have nostalgia for a world that no longer is (5).
As I stroll down the Imperial Way, I think back to the
street of the same name in Kaifeng, which was even larger than that of
Hangzhou, and in many ways more grand (6). As I push my small cart
across the unevenly paved streets of Hangzhou I remember the facility
with which I could push carts in Kaifeng, since the streets were
unpaved and therefore smooth. I remember how easy it was also, to push
my cart up the Rainbow Bridge there, though that ease must have been
augmented not only from the paths but also from my youth. At the time
right before the fall of the Northern Song I was still quite young,
though my divination skills were advanced enough to predict the falling
of the Mandate. In fact, I was a pupil of the well-known Sun the
fishmonger, who talked to me of his premonitions of the imminent fall
of the Northern Song dynasty before he was summoned to the court in
1125 (7). As I catch sight of the watchtowers on the hills, I am
brought back to my early years in Hangzhou. These watchtowers were
built only after the two major fires of the 1130’s (8), which decimated
the original neighborhood that I had moved into with my wife and three
daughters.
As I stroll and think back to these fires, drops of rain
begin to fall on my nose and head. The hermit-monks and their warnings
of clouds have turned out to be Portentious after all.
As the tapping of the rain onto the pebbles beneath my feet
increases, it adds to the general whispering of voices and shops being
set up along the Imperial Way. Yet, as my thoughts float between the
Kaifeng-that-is-no-longer and the Hangzhou of yesterday, I realize that
the day is beginning and that I need to turn my thoughts outward and
toward the future. I am now approaching my traditional spot, which I
designated upon my arrival to Hangzhou, seventy-two years ago. Being of
the first arrivals, and also due to my recognized status as a pupil of
Sun the Fishmonger, I was able to help found the very successful guild
of physiognomists (9). Consequently, because of my position in the
guild, I was able to secure a choice spot in a pleasure ground which
lies at the base of one of the most traversed bridges over the Che
river, close to both the Imperial Palace and Phoenix Hill.***
It is now not long after the second hour and I arrive at my designated spot. I set up my table, put up my sign which reads Fengjian(“Physiognomy”),
my umbrella, and place my physiognomy booklet on the table. I notice
how old my Fengjian sign looks, understandably, for it was the same
sign I used to hang up during my early days reading faces in Kaifeng.
Like myself, it has seen a lot, traveled far, and is weathered after
many years. People begin to pass by almost immediately. Merchants who
are going to set up shop sometimes drive carts full with their goods to
the pleasure grounds. Those who come in from the countryside, however,
almost always rent boats. These rural merchants have neither the money
for their own carts nor acceptable road conditions to handle their
heavy loads (due to many marshy and wet areas where heavy carts have
been known to get stuck upon leaving the city gates). But it is not
only the merchants, my neighbors, who begin to pass by. Prospective
clients also are out already. I call out to attract general attention
and specifically for those unable to read my sign which says fengjian(“I read faces”).
Soon, two men approach me, wearing black and white turbans,
blouses, and trousers, with their belts fastened on the right side
(10). I am happy to have clients and do not mind having men of the
lower classes as customers. I serve customers of all sorts (11). These
men are possibly venders who will not begin their day of work until the
sun’s light is to be seen within one hour.
Yet, the lack of natural light does not impede my ability to
read these men’s faces. The light from the lanterns which are left lit
up during each of these festival sturdy bones. According to the
categorization of the “Five Constant Virtues” (metal, wood, water, fire
and earth) this man is a pure “wood” person. I go on to explain to him
what this means, for it is very difficult for waimen han(literally,
“those outside of the gate, but refers to lay people”) to understand
the complexity of body and physiognomy reading (12). “You possess the
traits of humaneness and prosperity” I explain to him. One of his
companions, however, is more bulky, thick, and square in composition
with a straight posture. “You are a “metal” person with some earth
elements,” I explain to him. “This means you will be successful and
content, since earth produces metal (13).” But these are just their
body types, and most important of all is the face, for it reveals the
most about a person (14). Of the six different methods of physiognomy
interpretation which I practice, the method of the “six storehouses,
three powers, and three stops” is the one I utilize the most, yet this,
like most physiognomy methods, is complicated for the lay man. I
therefore begin with a reference to the first man’s “six bigs” (15),
being his head, eyes, nose, mouth, ears, and stomach. It is auspicious
to have all of these big features, I explain, but I also warn him that
though he has a big head, his bones are not particularly protruding.
This means he should be careful because a big head without protruding
bones on each side of the forehead can invite poverty. Therefore, even
though his body type is that of “wood” which would indicate prosperity,
facial signs can outweigh body signs. “You must therefore”, I explain,
“use great caution to be neither frivolous nor greedy in order to
fulfill your destiny of prosperity rather than that of poverty (16).”
For the case of the second man, I decide to use a different
method, since it is more pertinent to his case. This man has a special
“geography” to his face, I note. His “Earth Star,” located at the end
of his nose, shows signs of a long life span, though not especially so.
He will not live to see more than one hundred as I have. Yet, his
success will be even greater than mine has been. (I do not disclose
this personal comparison to those listening.) This is due to my
client’s “Purple Luminary,” on the upper part of his nose, which shows
he will someday hold an official position. Both men are quite pleased,
seeing as to how both of their readings have been good, and also,
undoubtedly, due to the general atmosphere of the festival. Because
these are not the types who are able to afford much (for the second man
still has yet to fulfill his destiny as an official), I end this
session shortly and they pay me in copper cash strands.
After my first customers for the day leave, I pull out my
lunch box from my pouch and open the pages of my book on physiognomy
for all to see. This method is my own instruction, but rather keep it
to attract the attention of passers-by (17).
One man begins to approach my table and I look into his eyes
to see what kind of fortune I might read for him. I see that he has
snake eyes. Soon, before I know it, he slithers away from my booth as
if truly a snake. I, for one, I am not surprised that he shirked away
from having his face read. People with snake eyes, round and red,
portend treachery and an unhappy family life (18). Maybe he sensed,
himself, that it would be better not to hear what I would have to say.
My thoughts are quickly distracted from this man, for a
group of five men come towards my station. Only one man wants his face
read, for this particular individual explains that he has recently
failed the civil service examination and wants to understand his fate
more fully and investigate what he might do to change it. The other
four stand around in a small circle to watch the reading. I begin to
think back to the circles of people I used to have surrounding me in my
native Kaifeng at the bottom of the Rainbow Bridge (19), but quickly
bring myself away from these distracting daydreams. I notice this man’s
face immediately because of the sizable mole which he has on his left
cheek. There is an ancient proverb which says “The head has no bad
bones; the face has no good moles” (20). This is the way the waimen hanthink.
Yet, it is important to analyze each mole for its specific meaning.
This man’s moles show that he will have many encounters with failure
but, with persistence and diligence, there is an ultimate possibility
of success (21). There is more reason to be hopeful, I explain to him,
for his skin is of a reddish tone, which is known to be auspicious
(22). His eyes have black irises and are spirited, “monkey eyes,” which
signify wealth and honor as well as some hardships. Monkey eyes also
imply a persistent craving for fruit, which he admits to (23). I then
go into the system of the “six storehouses, the three powers and the
three stops”(24). Because his reading is somewhat ambiguous, I also
apply the method of the “five planets, six luminaries, five mountains
and four rivers” for a clearer reading (25). When he is satisfied he
leaves with his friends.
In the meantime, however, more people have gathered around
forming a larger circle. And so I continue all throughout the day and
well into the night, reading faces as I have since my youth, for some
eighty years now. Still, today is special, as I watch the city come
alive with brilliantly decorated lanterns for the last time. With my
hundred and one years I have lived well and worked hard, but now have
no one to remember and honor me, since my daughters have all gone and I
have had no sons.
From the Sign and Illustrations in Ming’s Booklet
SIGN
The Chinese characters spell out fengjian,
meaning “physiognomy”

Illustration 1
The Six Storehouses, Three Powers, and Three Stops
Illustration 2
Study Halls

Illustration 3
The Five Planets, Six Luminaries, Five Mountains, and Four rivers
Illustration 4
The Twelve Palaces and Five Officials

Illustration 5
The Thirteen Parts of the Face
Illustration 6
Yearly Fortune

Illustration 7
Auspicious and Inauspicious Facial Moles
Illustration 8
Male moles

Illustration 9
Female moles
Illustration 10
Palm lines related to “wealth and high position”

Illustration 11
Palm lines related to the “three dukes”
Illustration 12
Palm lines related to the “Eight trigrames and twelve palaces”
Note: The last three illustrations I found in Ming’s booklet
were, in fact, instructive for palm-reading. In his recovered
autobiographical writing Ming never mentioned reading palms, yet it is
possible he was also knowledgable and practiced palm-reading as well. A
second possibility might be that he had entered the drawings into his
booklet in his youth, long before he became highly specialized in
physiognomy.
References
1 Gernet, p.182, mentions this practice.
2 Gernet, p.183-4, mentions these foods as “breakfast delicacies” sold on the Imperial Way.
3 Smith, p. 208, gives clues as to why it is likely that Ming,
as a physiognomy-reader, may have either been a Buddhist, or even more
probably, been significantly influenced by Buddhist thought by talking
about the special way that “Buddhist doctrine blended well with
physiognomy because of the common belief that one of the primary ways
karma expresses itself is in the body.” This would explain the
reference to reincarnation.
4 Gernet, p. 113, mentions the multi-storied, close-quarter houses of the lower classes of Hangzhou.
5 The “Notes of the Handscroll Qingming Shanghe Tu” describes
the taking of Kaifeng by the Mongols, and the sudden change it
incurred, in this way: “Once a million homes, now only grass.”
6 Gernet, p. 41. Here Hangzhou is described as being “far from attaining the splendor of Kaifeng.”
7 Gernet, p. 208. This character is quoted as saying to the
Emperor, after offering the latter some of his pancake and being
rejected, that “a day will come when you will be glad to have even a
pancake like this,” supposedly forewarning the fall of the court.
8 Gernet, p. 34. The devastating fires of 1132 and 1137, and
the resulting construction of preventative watchtowers throughout hills
around the city, are both described in further detail on this page.
9 Gernet, p. 87, makes the point that essentially every
profession in Hangzhou was likely to have its guilds, “even...the
soothsayers...had their guilds.” Though it was not made clear whether
or not a guild for soothsayers would be made up of those with different
specialties or simply of one, because of the increasing specialization
occurring at this time I have made the assumption that a guild
specifically for physiognomists would be feasible.
10 Gernet, pp. 128-131. All of these dressing codes are
mentioned as “lower-class.” This can be contrasted with the presumed
dress of Ming, a long robe, which designated a higher class status.
Nevertheless, it is important to keep in mind that this may have been
the only garment that Ming owned, and should not be used as the sole
indicator of his social position.
11 Smith, p. 265. Here, though speaking specifically of Qing
divination, Smith describes the “pervasiveness [of divination] at all
levels of society.” Considering the openness of Sung urban society, it
is likely this argument can be extended to the Sung. Smith, p. 269,
also describes how “diviners helped bridge the gap between commoners
and the elite.” Smith, p. 270, states that it is known that “at least
some fortune-tellers had both elites and commoners as clients and that
a number of non-elite diviners enjoyed close relations with the
literati by virtue of their unusual and much-coveted skills.” While the
first assertion is almost undoubtedly true, even the second seems
plausible during the Sung, when an auspicious physiognomy was requisite
for a marriage approval. See Gernet, p. 161.
12 Smith, p. 3. This quote can be compared to one in Fortune-Tellers and Philosophers,which describes an often condescending attitude of fortune-tellers towards the lay-people, or waimen han.The
idea is very interesting in light of the often-paradoxical status a
character like Ming would have. On the one hand he is literate,
possesses a specific and complex knowledge, and wears a long robe (as
seen in the Qing scroll) which are all things that could differentiate
him from associations with the lower-classes. He is, nevertheless,
officially still part of the lower-class. As a fortune-teller he is
looked down upon for representing the “popular” elements he criticizes
in others.
13 Smith, p. 189.
14 Ibid.
15 Smith, p. 188.
16 It is interesting to note that what a specialist read in the
body or face of another could serve as both an explication of a sealed
fate, and advice for the future than can help one to avoid that fate.
Therefore, a kind of “fluid hierarchy” of the importance of physical
features existed, reflecting in some senses the general “fluid
hierarchy” of Confucian culture which was characterized by a tension
between a pre-established hierarchical system on the one hand, a
meritocratic system, based on one’s actions rather than birth, on the
other. A further point is that the advice of a Physiognomist would
often take the form of moral counseling, such as was the case of Ming
when he warned against both frivolity and greed. Smith, p. 265, notes
that fortune-tellers were generally “tradition-bound and highly
moralistic.” In this sense, Ming, and other Physiognomists, helped to
reinforce Confucian culture by passing on its moral codes through their
work.
17 Smith, p. 266. It explains that “fortune-tellers invariably
surrounded themselves with culturally familiar paraphernalia. Even the
most rudimentary fortune-telling table on the street would be adorned
with writing materials, books, and calligraphic inscriptions... marks
of scholarly refinement and moral cultivation.”
18 Smith, p. 193. This quote is almost identical to one which can be found on this page.
19 Simply as a point of interest here I would like to point to
the fact that the Qingming Scroll which depicts Kaifeng during this
period contains a character who matches almost identically the Ming’s
own description of his earlier days, at the base of the Rainbow Bridge,
with his sign reading, fengjian,his book, table, umbrella and a circle of men surrounding him.
20 Smith, p. 193.
21 Smith mentions that pre-existing knowledge a fortune-teller
had about someone often influenced his reading. This section could be
used as evidence towards that point since the young man had recently
explained his frustrations regarding the exam system. Also to be noted
here is the transmission of Confucian values through Ming’s advice,
i.e., the emphasis on consistent and diligent study.
22 Smith, p. 193. Smith makes the interesting point here that
Chinese physiognomy often overlapped with Chinese medicine, and was, in
this sense, closer to a science possibly even than other types of
fortune-telling. Though someone studying physiognomy thought a greenish
complexion to be inauspicious in different ways than did a Chinese
doctor, they both shared this commonality. Smith, p. 194, then explains
that many fortune-tellers either practiced medicine as well, or at
least had a knowledge of it. Though it is possible this was so in
Ming’s case, there is no evidence in this text which leads us to this
conclusion.
23 Smith, p. 193, also mentions this very specific identifier for “fruit craving.”
24 Smith, p. 189.
25 Smith, p. 190.
Select Bibliography
Gernet, Jacques. Daily Life in China: On the Eve of the Mongol Invasion,1250- 1276. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1962)
Needham, Joseph. Science and Civilisation in China,Volumes II and III. Cambridge: University Press, 1999.
Roderick Whitfield, et al. “Notes on the Handscroll Qingming Shanghe Tu” (“Going up River at the Qingming Festival”).
Smith, Richard J. Fortune-tellers and Philosophers: Divination in Traditional Chinese Society.San Francisco: Westview Press, 1991.